Program on States and Security

ABSTRACT
Non-state armed groups fighting in civil wars often engage in some form of governance—that is, the organization of civilian affairs within the territories where they are present. Both the existence of governance, and the form that it takes, vary widely across as well as within armed organizations. Such variation has important implications on war dynamics, as it shapes civilians’ experiences of the war, as well as the evolution of armed groups in a given war zone. Whether armed groups engage in governance or not, and how, also affects post-war outcomes: the challenges and opportunities that local populations face in the aftermath of war vary depending on, among other factors, the particular ways in which they interacted with armed actors during the war. Despite its relevance for both scholars and policy makers, the phenomenon of non-state armed groups’ governance tends to be overlooked by studies on civil war and post-war reconstruction. This synthesis provides a short review of different bodies of literature that offer insights onto this phenomenon. It is organized as follows. First, it assesses a small literature that focuses directly on armed groups’ governance, mostly rebel organizations. Second, it briefly reviews a large literature on specific civil wars and armed organizations that provide valuable empirical evidence on how this type of governance emerges and operates. Finally, it concludes by suggesting how our understanding of these phenomena should illuminate several academic and policy-driven questions regarding both wartime and post-war dynamics.

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ABSTRACT
Corruption has been recognized as a key challenge to post-conflict peacebuilding efforts, undermining the legitimacy and effectiveness of state institutions, and compromising key peacebuilding tasks such as disarmament and reconstruction. However, in the short run, accepting corruption might be necessary to finding a political settlement and stabilizing a post-conflict order. Our review of the debate suggests that corruption in these contexts is first and foremost a political problem and needs to be addressed as such. Anti-corruption measures, such as promoting accountability and the rule of law, need to be considered in the context of wider peacebuilding objectives.

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ABSTRACT
This brief overview of aid in post-conflict state-building concludes that a significant gap remains in donor approaches to the reform of public administration and finance in the aftermath of armed conflicts, despite the fact that control over economic resources is often one of the main causes of civil war violence. International assistance to institution-building in post-conflict states remains focused on economic liberalization and private forms of service delivery to the relative neglect of security sector reforms, contrary to the emphasis in peacebuilding policies on the demilitarization of politics. The result may be the formation of a state that is weak and patrimonial, prone to conflict or lacking legitimacy, central authority, or territorial control.

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ABSTRACT
In the immediate aftermath of conflict, politics tends to be volatile, insecurity remains high, and state institutions are often very weak. Within this challenging context, many international donors hope that political parties will develop so that they can contribute to peaceful politics in the post-conflict period. Yet the post-conflict environment is usually not conducive to the development of political parties, although particular challenges vary from country to country. There are many different types of political parties in post-conflict countries, including parties that were formerly armed movements engaged in conflict. Indeed, the way in which former armed groups contribute to post-conflict governance is seen as a decisive factor in the success or failure of peacebuilding. If armed groups are not integrated into a new national army, transformed into political parties, or disbanded, the recurrence of violence is likely. Certainly, not all former armed movements will transform into political parties and not all post-conflict political parties have links to armed groups. Yet non-state armed groups are significant actors in post-conflict politics, whether or not they become formal political parties. As such, they have received attention within the larger peacebuilding literature. This synthesis provides a non-exhaustive review of the current literature on peacebuilding and post-conflict party development, with particular emphasis on the transformation of armed movements into political parties after conflict. The synthesis is divided into four parts. First, it briefly discusses the literature on post-conflict party development. Second, it reviews the particular challenges facing the transformation of armed movements to political parties. Third, the synthesis assesses the role of international actors in the process of rebel group transformation and discusses why international programs have not always had their desired effect. Lastly, this study makes some suggestions for policymakers, arising from the insights of this research.

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ABSTRACT
This synthesis provides an overview of academic findings on the sources of violence in post-war environments and on the strategies to address them. It distinguishes between unaddressed pre-war tensions, war-induced cleavages, and peace-generated conflicts. It shows that, according to the best research, current peacebuilding strategies have two major weaknesses. First, they neglect the micro-level dynamics of violence. Second, they do not devote sufficient attention and resources to state reconstruction (which is distinct from merely holding elections). These weaknesses explain why peacebuilding efforts often fail to end violence even when they produce other positive outcomes.

Please find the full text of this Synthesis here.